Author: Philipp Seirer
The article was developed from my interdisciplinary dissertation, entitled "Immigration to Europe - a discourse between law and justice." A link to the complete thesis as a pdf file you'll find here .
Die gemeinschaftsrechtliche Trennung zwischen Asylpolitik und ökonomisch motivierter Zuwanderung kann auch aus gerechtigkeitstheoretischer Perspektive legitimiert werden. Als Anknüpfungspunkt bediene ich mich dabei der von John Rawls begründeten Unterstützungspflicht von wohlhabenden Völkern gegenüber belasteten Gesellschaften.
Die moralisch begründete Konzeption der Gerechtigkeit beschränkte sich bis vor kurzem ausschließlich auf die Mitglieder einer abgegrenzten Gesellschaft. Bis heute begegnet man in der politischen Landschaft lediglich dem allgegenwärtigen Leitgedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit. The issue of migration is concerned, however, almost by definition to the crossing of social boundaries, so the question of justice must be made not only in a social context. Rather justice must be addressed in a global context.
One of the most influential philosophers of the 20th Century, John Rawls (1921-2002), provides us with his "law of nations' a theory of global justice, which focuses on the people as active subjects of international relations. In terms of global migration represents Rawls (2002, p. 7), the roots of terrorism explicitly in the foreground, where he sees the global inequalities and the associated poverty in a direct relation to political failure, even if it is to specify other reasons. The solution of this problem he sees as realistic utopia '. This contradictory term, he legitimized the commonly regarded as utopian claims of political philosophy.
the center of his global theory are the acts of the political institutions. Rawls speaks of this by a political justice. His egalitarian-universalist morality to the contrary, he argues for the legitimacy of boundaries of (2002, p. 43). This of course is still said nothing about who should be granted immigration into the EU. He simply points out that a company has within its borders over the right to self-determination.
Member States of the EU have joined forces but also to a wider community and a considerable part of their national government responsibilities, made particular reference to asylum and immigration law, to this higher authority. In addition, Rawls justified in his, across the right of peoples' support for a so-called duty-loaded Companies'. He is not expressly limited to the production of distributive justice in terms of a redistribution of global wealth. Rather, he refers with regard to their performance on the following three principles: (1) A well-ordered society must not necessarily be a prosperous society. (2) There is no universal recipe valid, how can one, burdened society 'help to change their political culture. (3), loaded companies' need to be supported so that they become full members of a well-ordered society of peoples and their own affairs independently can regulate ( Rawls, 2002, p. 132ff).
Although the content of support required by these three principles is only vague, can mEn this scenario. excellent transfer to the political practice. The causes of migration are found mostly in these, burdened societies'. Transferred to the migration problem, this means that the EU and its Member States a duty to support the countries of origin of migrants. Given the fact that most migrants residing in their neighborhood their home countries, this obligation is of course independent of whether they finally come to Europe. This support requirement is MMN. one based on moral principles minimal consensus between the home and host societies of immigrants dar. The recognition of this obligation but finally decides on a political level.
It raises the question of whether the asylum and immigration policy can actually contribute to the fulfillment of this duty of assistance. be made
First has on the international law principle of non-interference, which states that a State did not interfere in the internal affairs of another state. After Goodin (1988, p. 675) it is of crucial importance that it causes no harm other states. The support is loaded companies' terms of international law but not required, from a moral perspective, it is very good. Even if there is no general recipe to change the political culture, burdened societies', then Rawls (2002, p. 136) in any case believes that there is no point hineinzupumpen just money in it. The adverse conditions in the affected countries are no doubt due to historical and economic reasons.
After Pogge (2002, P. 125) has the developed Western world, a moral responsibility to distressed migrants. He bases this responsibility so that global inequality is due to a large extent by the law adopted by the Western industrial nations world order. In this respect, the support is based, aggressive companies' for him on grounds of corrective justice. He also believes that there are more effective tools, when the immigration policy is, in order to fulfill these responsibilities.
Bader (2002, p. 153) accepts the priority of poverty reduction with respect to the refugee hosting prinzipiell zu, er stellt aber auch klar, dass sich diese beiden Projekte keinesfalls gegenseitig ausschließen und plädiert stattdessen für eine „faire Öffnung der Grenzen“. Der Ansicht, wonach Entwicklungshilfe und Migrationspolitik zwei komplementäre Instrumente im Sinne der internationalen Unterstützungspflicht sind, stimme ich zwar zu. Geht es nach Rawls , so steht allerdings das Postulat der ‚Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe’ im Vordergrund. Indem er den Fokus auf die Veränderung der politischen Kultur einer ‚belasteten Gesellschaft‘ legt, stellt er die Wertigkeit wohlgeordneter Verhältnisse über jenen des Wohlstands in der Gesellschaft.
Letztendlich must be chosen normative evaluation framework, a distinction between the refugee and legal immigration needs to be made due to economic motives. Here is a clear parallel to the distinction between the Community legal right to asylum and immigration policies of the EU is seen. For the reception of refugees by that fact alone may not support the principles of duty be used as criteria, because their countries of origin no longer fulfill its protective function. Refugees are considered in the figurative sense therefore stateless.
Goodin (1988, p. 683F) speaks of this by an imperfect responsibility of all States to inform the individual refugee. The duty to refugee hosting meets, with the exception of its home country, thus the community of all states, and not a particular state alone. For waltz (2006, p. 88f), the receiving claims of refugees for each state of nature is absolutely imperative if he is directly confronted with it.
must be made clear at this point that the EU is the internationally recognized refugee definition of the Geneva Convention but has extended to a subsidiary in need of protection, the media often , Economic refugees' designated migrants fall but not below it. Given the global poverty reduction seems this term a moral point to be at least questionable. A starving child in Africa for example, just as no political power protection as a political refugee. Realpolitik can be explained by the restriction on political refugees and subsidiary protection needy among others, the lack of capacity of the EU. An inclusion of economically motivated migration under the refugee definition would undermine not only the self-determination of Member States but also their democratic structures an irresolvable Aufgabe stellen.
Wie sich an der Situation von Flüchtlingen deutlich zeigt, wird die Moral der Mitgliedstaaten der EU in vielen Fällen durch die Unmoral ‚belasteter Gesellschaften‘ vorgegeben. In diesem Zusammenhang stellt sich Walzer (2006, S. 91f) die Frage, warum sich die reichen Länder des Nordens ausschließlich mit jenen Flüchtlingen befassen, die entweder kräftig oder wohlhabend genug sind, um überhaupt erst in die Aufnahmegesellschaft zu gelangen.
Rawls ‘ Unterstützungspflicht kann nach Walzer (2006, S. 91f) die Flüchtlingspolitik der EU modifizieren, aber not reform. One form of the minimal consensus between moral rights and limited absorption capacities realpolitik I believe in the common EU resettlement seen. This program allows Member States to give those refugees who travel to Europe for there application is simply impossible for a new home. It is thus the most needy, especially children and women who are helped. Although so far only ten Member States participate voluntarily in this program and certainly not all refugees can be helped, I see this move by the European Commission is an important step in a more equitable future of European refugee policy.
summary, I agree in principle with Märker (2005, p. 250), which stipulates that the moral obligation of refugee inclusion in the EU is a broad consensus, their actual implementation, however, due to lack of absorption capacity simply does not fully possible. Subsequently, I will deal with me now economically motivated migration.
Following Walzer (2006, p. 106) I am of the opinion that the Member States of the EU in addition to the pursuit of national interests at the same time the moral force of the support obligation subject. The EU Member States have to compete in the global competition for talent and distinction, not least because of demographic developments between intended and unintended immigration. If the immigration policies of the EU, however, are more harmful than good for the countries of origin, I see this as an indirect violation of the first-mentioned international legal principle of non-interference. As Märker notes the active demand coverage holds for (highly) skilled migration, as it has now been found also in the secondary legislation of the EU entrance, always a risk of , Brain-drain 'in countries of origin.
The image of an individualized, mutual-benefit-society 'is indeed not too contemporary, much less can we MMN. But talk of a festumgrenzten world, within which the citizens of the world are in a mutual exchange between them, but are here separated by national boundaries. After Schlothfeldt (2002, p. 102) that is on the individual nation-state based model of cooperation, mutual-benefit-society 'has the sole reason for concern because the potential, poverty, refugees' do not even have the opportunity to an der Kooperation in einer wohlhabenderen Gesellschaft zu beteiligen. Dieses Argument hat im von mir gewählten normativen Bewertungsrahmen aber keine Bestandskraft, weil sich die betroffenen Personen primär in ihrer eigenen Herkunftsgesellschaft an der Kooperation beteiligen können. Dies geht bereits aus dem ersten Leitsatz der Unterstützungspflicht hervor, in dem Rawls im Wohlstand einer Gesellschaft nicht das höchste Gut sieht, sondern die wohlgeordneten politischen Verhältnisse in den Vordergrund rückt. Nach dem zweiten Leitsatz gibt es zwar kein allgemein gültiges Rezept, wie man der Unterstützungspflicht gerecht werden kann, die Einwanderungspolitik zählt mEn. aber zu den geeigneten Mitteln.
Following Rawls the Member States of the EU under the third guiding principle, are obliged to open their borders to economically motivated migration, if this is the region of origin and in terms of political culture. Conceivable in this regard immigration measures in terms of a triple-win 'situation for both the host community and migrants, but also for the society of origin profitable. Such measures, I believe in the EU secondary legislation on the one hand by the Directive 2004/114/EC of studies on third-country nationals und andererseits in der Richtlinie 2005/71/EG über die wissenschaftliche Forschung von Drittstaatsangehörigen zu erkennen.
Hinsichtlich der Richtlinie 2009/50/EG über die Bedingungen zur Ausübung einer hochqualifizierten Beschäftigung für Drittstaatsangehörigen bin ich jedoch skeptisch. Zum einen gibt es zu dieser Richtlinie noch keine mir bekannten Erfahrungswerte und zum anderen sehe ich eine akute Gefahr des ‚brain-drains‘, selbst wenn diesem laut Präambel entschieden entgegengewirkt werden soll. Demgegenüber spricht für diese Richtlinie, dass hochqualifizierte Zuwanderer eher dazu in der Lage sind, Rücküberweisungen in ihre Herkunftsländer implement and thereby contribute to the development of political culture.
The measure, an MMN, triple-win situation '. comes closest, and thus most of the global conception of justice Rawls equivalent, which is leaning against the guest worker concept of circular migration. It remains to be seen whether this approach will ultimately prevail within the EU.
All these legal measures should not detract from the fact that the EU and its Member States follow international standards a very restrictive immigration policy. The assumption that the inclusion of economically motivated migrants is not just seen as a (support) obligations, I want to emphasize a slightly different theory of Schlothfeldt (2002, p. 95) in addition: "If the better-off countries do not do what is within their power; to the [political culture] of serious ill-posed in their home country to significantly improve, they basically have no rights to refuse an immigrant visa petition of the persons concerned "
literature and sources.
Bader, Veit (2002 ): Moral Philosophy and admission of refugees and migrants, in: Märker, Alfredo (Hg.): Was schulden wir Flüchtlingen und Migranten?. Grundlagen einer gerechten Zuwanderungspolitik, Wiesbaden, S. 143-167.
Goodin, Robert E. (1988) : What is So Special about Our Fellow Countrymen? In: Ethics, Jg. 98, H. 4, S. 663-686.
Märker, Alfredo (2005) : Europäische Zuwanderungspolitik und globale Gerechtigkeit. Über die normative Dimension der Vergemeinschaftung zuwanderungspolitischer Maßnahmen in der Europäischen Union, Baden-Baden.
Pogge, Thomas (2002) : Migration und Armut, in: Märker, Alfredo (Hg.): Was schulden We refugees and migrants?. Foundations of a just immigration policy, Wiesbaden, p. 110-126.
Rawls, John (2002) : The right of peoples, Berlin.
Schlothfeldt, Stephan (2002) : Economic migration and global distributive justice, in: Maerker, Alfredo (ed.): What we owe to refugees and migrants?. Foundations of a just immigration policy, Wiesbaden, p. 93-109.
Walzer, Michael (2006) : Spheres of Justice. A plea for pluralism and equality, Frankfurt am Main.
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